How does the every-day-work of the Georgian Parliament look like?

Zu diesem Thema habe ich Dimitri Lortkipanidze MP einige Fragen gestellt. Er ist seit Juni 2008 Abgeordneter der 7. Legislatur des Georgischen Parlaments. Das Ergebnis:  In Georgien scheint das Präsidialsystem in ähnlicher Weise zu dominieren wie in Russland. (Vgl. hierzu auch das Gespräch mit Aleksandr Fomenko, ehem. Abgeordneten der Russischen Duma). Aber Herr Lortkipanidze unterstreicht auch, dass es einige wichtige Unterschiede gibt. Er hat die Fragen schriftlich beantwortet, der Text ist hier auf Englisch dokumentiert.

I asked Mr. Dimitri Lortkipanidze MP some questions about this. He is a Member of the 7th convention of the Parliament of Georgia since June 2008. What came out? The presidential system seams to dominate in Georgia as well as in Russia (see the Interview with Aleksandr Fomenko, Former MP of the Russian State Duma as well). But Mr. Lortkipanidze stresses some important differences as well…

Mr. Lortkipanidze answerd the questions in writing. Please read his answers below.

Ich freue mich auf Ihre Kommentare! I am looking forward to reading your comments!

Sascha Götz

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1. What is the position of the Parliament in the political system like?

Executive branch of authority structure prevails in the political system of Georgia. After the Revolution of Roses Presidential structures were strengthened. It was done by mean of Constitutional amendments. After that Parliament became more vulnerable in the face of Presidential institutes. At the same time MPs do nothing to use of the existent resources provided by Constitution, to make their role in society more significant. In fact, the control functions of the Parliament are underestimated. For example, procedure of the hearing with participation of the representatives of the Government is held less regularly than it was during the previous Parliament. Adopted laws actually have a function of confirmation rather than a function of the base and prerequisite of the executive bodies’ activities. In some ways the same could be said about the judicial authority which is also under the huge pressure of the executive bodies.

2. How powerful is the Parliament compared to the Government?

As it follows from mentioned above, influence of the Parliament on the current political processes is less significant than that of the executive bodies.  Majority of MPs is consisted of the representatives of pro-Governmental groups which avoid the raising of sharp questions. As a matter of fact, the practice of the Parliamentary control over the organs accountable to main legislative body is of the formal nature now.

3. How fast do voters change their mind about parties?

Majority of the voters is characterized by unstable political attitudes. Its sympathies fluctuate intensively and are easily manipulated. However, there is certain part of the population which reveals its devotion to the left wing political parties. For example, to Labour’s party.

4. What about the infrastructure of the Parliament – does it allow the Parliamentarians to work efficiently and independently?

By virtue of the former Parliament Speaker and Prime Minster Mr. Z. Jvania (recently decd) an effective infrastructure of the legislative organ was built. One case is worth to be mentioned in this regard. The Parliamentary Centre on the business and economic issues was set. It aimed to create traditions of the transparent relations between MPs, society and businessmen.
Development of the infrastructure took place, but there are still many shortcomings in this sphere, especially in the way of practicing of the Parliamentary control.

5. What kind of debates are being held in the Parliament – are they usually (or at least sometimes) followed by the media and a broader public?

Are there public hearings with experts, pressure groups and people lobbying the interests of different parts of the society (business, trade unions etc.)?
Freedom of media is one of the achievements of the young democracy. Order of the Georgian Parliament work provides rather liberal procedures that aim to guarantee the transparency of the activities of the Parliament. Special seats for the media representatives are reserved in accordance with the Order.
Parliamentary Committees practice the broadest public participation. Representatives of the whole spectre of the interest groups of the society participate in their hearings. After events of August of 2008 a Crisis Centre was established. Many experts and scientists were involved in its activities. A member of minority faction was appointed as a chairman of the Centre.
An innovation in the debate arrangement practice took place: President personally participated in discussions between majority and minority of the Parliament.

6. How is the work with petitions from single citizens organised?

Work with petitions from single citizens is considered to be a significant mean to keep feedback with population. Sometimes petitions serve as an argument for the setting of the temporary inquiry commissions. Unfortunately, minority groups at Parliament lack the opportunities to initiate appointment of such commissions setting.

7. What role do the international relations play in the work of deputies?

It is difficult to overestimate the impact of the international cooperation on MPs work.
Georgian MPs actively participate in EC, NATO, OSCE and GUAM structures’ activities. Parliament has its representatives as national delegations there. At the same time group on cooperation and friendship relations with Parliaments of the different countries of the world  are set up here. All MPs are involved in these groups. By the way, I am a leader of one of them that keeps contacts with Portuguese colleagues. After events of August 2008 the role of these groups got more topical. The war after-affect became one of the most important issues that are vigorously discussed with foreign colleagues at various levels of relations.

Stefan Melle berichtet Erstaunliches: Die Ankündigungen von Präsident Dmitrij Medwedjew zeigen unmittelbar positive Wirkung auf die Arbeit von zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen. Ähnlich wie bei der restriktiven Politik unter Vorgänger Putin wird jetzt auch die neue (verbale) Wertschätzung des Präsidenten gegenüber Ehrenamt und zivilgesellschaftlichem Engagement von vielen Beamten sozusagen vorauseilend umgesetzt. (weiterlesen)

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(12 Min.)

Selbst in Bereichen, wo sich die gesetzlichen Grundlagen noch gar nicht geändert haben. Das gilt besonders für soziale Initiativen. Trotzdem bleibt viel zu tun auf dem Weg zu einer lebendigen, selbstbewussten Zivilgesellschaft in Russland.

Der Deutsch-Russische Austausch (DRA) unterstützt mit seinen Büros in Berlin und St. Petersburg und mit Kooperationspartnern vor Ort in Moskau, Wolgograd, Nazran, Kiew, Minsk und Grodno Bürgerinitiativen, Menschenrechtsorganisationen und nichtstaatliche soziale Einrichtungen. Der DRA fördert die Integration russischsprachiger Migranten durch ehrenamtliches Engagement in Berlin und vermittelt Freiwillige zur längerfristigen Mitarbeit in Bürgerinitiativen zwischen West- und Osteuropa.

Der Verein finanziert sich ausschließlich durch projektgebundene Zuwendungen, Spenden und Beiträge seiner Mitglieder. Der DRA ist Träger der Theodor-Heuss-Medaille 1998 und Mitglied im Paritätischen Wohlfahrtsverband.